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corps here with us, cambodia is here this morning. the ambassador from the phillipines is here. the ambassador from indonesia is here. we have the d.c.m.'s from a number of our asia-pacific partnership countries, including australia, canada, singapore, thailand and vietnam. we have hong kong's commissioner for economic and trade affairs with us today. and always good to see him. leo lee is here. and i thank all of you for making a special effort to be with us here today to welcome the chairman of the house committee on foreign affairs. again, this is a confluence of several anniversaries. the 16th time we have convened to celebrate the life of the late chairman the founder of the samsung group with a major address on asia policy. mr. chairman, today you are
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succeeding a long line of distinguished speakers over the years. our first b.c. lecturer was former secretary of state henry kissinger. subsequently, we have heard from chairman of the senate foreign relations committee, senator jesse helms and heard from ben gilman and henry hyde and don rumsfeld, colin powell, condi rice and others. our last lecturer was senator leiberman. we have over the years made a significant and substantial contribution to american policy makers, understanding of the challenges we face in terms of our policies towards asia. 30this, in fact, the
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anniversary of the founding of the heritage foundation's asian study center. when dick and i started the center back in 1983, it was our first dedicated foreign policy center at the heritage foundation. back then asian security was all about what's happening here in the cold war. from that perspective, study of the soviet union might have made a lot more sense. dick and i, as we talked it through, talked about the potential that someday it might even be conceivable that u.s. trade with asia would actually even equal our trade with what was going on across the atlantic. today, it's much greater than our trade across the atlantic. we have been blessed by the insights of many dear friends in asia. we have over the years seen the remarkable economic growth and economic development in asia. it's been our very great pleasure, in fact, to recognize that in terms of economic
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freedom, as it has evolved throughout asia in specific countries and indeed throughout the region. we always knew that our good friends in japan and that the u.s.japan mutual relationship, both the mutual defense treaty and our bilateral general relationship would be central. but we also thought that asia deserved fully a broader treatment in its own right, so we really invested in the future. as we look ahead in terms of our asian study center, we look also to other achievements in both the range of foreign and strategic issues as well as economic policy issues. in fact, today, they are interlinked and it is hard to
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distinguish one from the other. today, as we look ahead, there is no one i can think of that i would rather help from in both to celebrate these and look ahead in terms of developments in the asia hafe pacific region. the chair of the house foreign affairs committee, ed royce, is an old friend and a real leader on foreign affairs. he has been actively involved in very preliminaried and substantial way with u.s. policy towards asia since he first came to congress 11 terms ago. representing california's 34rd district, we are honored to have the chairman here and his wife with us, marie, thanks for being with us today.
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as we look ahead and mr. chairman, we look forward very much to your insight as to what we might expect. we all understand that today, the world is a very dangerous place. i understand you have just come from chairing hearings on the current situation in syria, which is certainly a flashpoint in the world today. but as we look back and stay focused here in this confines today any way, it's our great pleasure to ask you, if you would, to come up and share your insights with us on the united states, asian the future. thank you. and welcome back. \[applause] >> thank you very much. good morning, ambassador, marie, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. i'm delighted to be here. they tell me that the b.c. lee lecture has a long and distinguished history. well, so has ed fulner. and i want to thank him for the leadership that he has given this institution for so long.
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also, i should say a word about walter, the director of the asian study center because without him we wouldn't have the asian-pacific press here today and wouldn't have the round table that he does and outreach. well, i think i should begin by telling you that ambassador choy and i were recently in california and we were there with veterans of the korean war. and there is, indeed, a unique bond that exists between veterans and those that they fought so bravely to protect. and we saw that bond there that day, and it is a reminder of the special relationship that exists between our countries that goes back some 60 years.
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but it is also a reminder that as that relationship has matured, so has south korea evolved. if we remember the situation after the devastation of the war, everything was in ashes. you see those photographs brought back by those g.i.'s that show the absolute destruction that was on that peninsula. and today, as you go back to seoul and you be hold what has come to pass, it is phenomenal that at this 60th anniversary and at this one-year anniversary, frankly, of our legislation, legislation which i co-authored, we are looking at a korea that i think would have been unimaginable to that generation, to those men who accepted those awards from you that day. ambassador choi. you think about the spirit, and
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b.c. lee, he was well known for what they call his pioneering spirit, his willingness to commit to new markets even when their potential was not readily apparent. it was his willingness to take risks that propeled samsung and propeled south korea to the highest level of innovation and of success. and that, indeed, is the foundation of capitalism itself, this entrepreneurial risk taking and the ability to receive that reward, to take those risks, and thus engender that type of growth. and believe that b.c. lee would agree that the enduring legacy of america's commitment to the asia-pacific region is without a doubt the long-term economic prosperity that is at the heart of this dynamic evolution that
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we see in asia. america's contribution to asia's growth has been overwhelmingly positive and a big part of that, a big part of it was the free market and open trading system that the u.s. helped build after the war. as a result, many asian countries have enjoyed unprecedented prosperity, and so has the united states. our nation is, after all, a pacific power. california, us in asia's not the far east. for us, it's the near west. and none of the prosperity would have been possible without the stability that america's security umbrellas brought to asia. but what has been the norm for generations is now starting to change. perhaps the catalyst of this
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change is the perception, either rightly or wrongly, that the balance of power in asia is undergoing a once in a lifetime transformation. what we are seeing is that asia's collective attention is gradually shifting away from economic prosperity to, instead, security concerns. where nations used to focus on trade and commerce, now they discuss nationalism, military budgets and even provocative behavior. look no further than the territorial dispute in the east china sea. for these reasons, we must shift away from the old approach, which unnecessarily divided the region and separated economic engagement from our political engagement. the old way of doing business is not only cumbersome, but it is becoming less relevant. tomust somehow find a way reinvigorate our engagement of
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asia, not for fear that we may be left out, but rather we must engage so that we can once again move the focus squarely back to economic prosperity. this notable shift and focus in trade to nationalism frankly worries me. thereat's why i believe must be some urgency to this. we have seen the alternative before. there are no winners in arms races. i selected asia as the destination of my first overseas trip to send an unmistakable message that the region is critically important to the united states. i was hartened by the warm welcome that my ranking member and i received in japan in taiwan and in the philippines, in china and in south korea. during our visit, three issues dominated our discussions. north korea, territorial dispute and economic prosperity.
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the region has changed so much that the old way of doing business will not help us achieve our objective in the future. a fundamental restructuring of u.s. involvement in the asia pacific, will resolve the endless standoff with north korea once and for all. india will no longer be artificially be separated from the rest of asian we will firmly anchor taiwan into the global trading system. the u.s. must take an in-depth look with its relationship with china and find a balanced approach that takes into account america's interest while striving for a productive relationship. finally, we must make america the most attractive location to do business for the asia- pacific region. let's get the conversation back on to economic prosperity and away from die advise i have nationalism.
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america's north korea policy has been a failure by all measures. and i will share with you that includes democratic and republican administrations. our inability to bring about real change inside north korea has resulted in a region that is more insecure today than it was during the 1994 framework agreement, when that agreement promised a nuclear-free korean peninsula. that approach has not worked. earlier this month, i called a hearing examining policy options for imposing a different approach, an approach that frankly, we tried in 2005, and that approach was the approach with the bank of delta asian the sanctions we placed on the financial system. i plan to introduce bipartisan legislation in the next few weeks with the ranking member to target north korea's access to hard currency via its many
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illicit activities and use of foreign banks. and the reason for this is because the most expensive defense strategy is a nuclear weapons program. in terms of items in the budget, the cost and hard currency to develop this and maintain this, it is absolutely overwhelming. and when i spoke to defectors who had been part of the weapons system or missile system, they told me when that was deployed in 2005, 2006, they could not get parts. they had to close down the production line. there wasn't the hard currency for the regime to pay its generals or certainly to run that program. it is time that we thought long- term. if we do nothing, then it's almost a guarantee that north korea will develop a nuclear warhead and will shrink that
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warhead and place it on top of an icbm and plunge northeast asia into an open arms race. and the costs of that are going to be extraordinary. looking towards south asia, it be hoofs the u.s. to integrate asia into the broader economic trading system. we must include india not as a sournt balance to china but because it makes economic sense. indeed, many have advocated a larger role for india, but few have articulated why this greater roll is in india self- interest. and this is simple. economic prosperity. india is the world's largest democracy. and will soon be one of the world's largest economies. its involvement in asia will be a welcomed addition. the u.s. must work with india to reduce her domestic
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constraints to growth and inagrees foreign direct investment. reducing red tape, increasing the supply of electricity, improving the tax system, strengthening the ability to enforce contracts will all lift india's ranking and spur business growth in a way that has been missing thus far. largelyia's economy is based on global supply chains, it is absolutely critical for india to enact reforms and liberalize its economy, to tap into this regional market. this is how india anchors itself in the asia-pacific region and we should do what we can to help leverage those reforms inside india. that is why i believe the administration must redouble its efforts to secure a u.s.india bilateral investment treaty. current negotiations are
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proceeding far too slowly. there are important issues to resolve and it's going to take a concerted effort to make progress, but once the b.i.t. is firmly in place, the u.s. should work with india on a free trade agreement that will foster more trade. we should also work with india on high-tech visas where both of our countries jointly benefit. i strongly believe that where goods and services cross borders, armies do not. if this isn't motivation enough, let's consider the fact that of the 11 trillion in new wealth that is going to be generated worldwide over the next five years, half of that amount, half of that amount is going to be in asia. with this in mind, the united states must not shy away from including taiwan into the broader international trading regime. for far too long, the discussion about taiwan has been dominated by arms sales.
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this approach to an island of 23 million people, which boasts a world-class manufacturing sector is sadly inadequate. taiwan is a robust democracy, with a strong commitment to human rights, to free speech, to free markets. so let's complete the u.s.taiwan investment agreement and in short order let's begin negotiations towards a bilateral investment treaty. china's rise cannot be ignored, but it also does not need to be our collective obsession as well. the u.s. must engage china and seek a more productive relationship, because it's really in our best interest to make this relationship work. all the concerns about china, whether they are trade dispute or human rights will never fully go away. of to choose a path
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contentiousness, really limits what we are able to achieve. when it comes to china, it's likely we will continue to have disagreements. regardless of the issue, we have to keep talking and maintain open lines of communications. that is why i'm a strong advocate for increasing military-to-military exchanges between our two countries. unfortunately, the u.s. doesn't have the economic influence in asia that it once had to drive that agenda. the economic activity has shifted gradually away from the u.s. to china. interregional trade between china and southeast asia has also grown tremmedously. trade between china and australia has grown. japan is even more focused on the chinese market than the american market. and while i fully support japan's interest to join the partnership, that t.p.p. free trade agreement alone cannot reverse this trend.
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if the u.s. is going to remain an economic leader in asia, if we are going to succeed, we need to get better at home. to do that, we must make the most of our human resources, and that requires better education here in the united states. we need more students we need more students studying math and science. we must fully embraced the diversity of asian americans. americans,nese currie and americans, a filipino americans. are 95 countries represented with in this district. have long consulted to better understand developments abroad. many are active in trading and investing in asia which is a source of our national wealth. but as congress i sponsor legislation to make it easier for state universities to teach
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strategic languages so that our .tudents are better equipped am a strong advocate for increasing the number of visas for foreigners receive advanced degrees. in the u.s. 76% of all registered patents from the top of from the top position producing units. they come from foreign students. foreign students in the u.s.. these inventors are driving economic prosperity with the consequences of their backgrounds in these hard sciences. in our current system we welcome foreign students to the united states. we provide them the education
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and the mason them home so they can compete against us and this makes sense. america's current the involvement was not be combined by the same old approaches that may have served a purpose. we must harness the full to address the challenges we have before is. that is how they built samsung in the aftermath of the caribbean war. today it is truly world-class. we can insure the future legacy is focused on mutual economic prosperity. that is the focus i bring and which i am suggesting to you. i thank you for the opportunity. i look forward to answering your
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questions. .> thank you very much i'm from the vietnamese service. important the situation in china and other countries. of this.spark that recently china should agree on this. >> that is a quote from the newspaper there. what i did say was that under
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the treaty of b.c. is that i understood why the government and the philippines would to resolvet approach this conflict. efforts have been made to reach an agreement to come to the mutual beneficial agreement. that had failed. the ability to have a resolution to this very that method was logical. ofs i think the resolution these disputes have to come by nature of using the rule of law. resolution that exists under that treaty is an to address this
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problem. our goal and our diplomacy is based on urging governments not to use the type of rhetoric that leads to confrontation but instead to work multinational a in order to resolve disputes. we can see areas when nations with competing claims came very close to resolution. inause of nationalist voices both countries, we failed to achieve that opportunity to resolve.
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to the capital markets, what the consequences will be in terms of contraction. if you set off the rhetoric which then lead to escalation and then meet to construction of trade and confidence in the region. this right now is a very great challenge for the united states. of the challenge because rise of this national rhetoric. this is something that, the diplomatic corps is here today, they are in agreement. that we allthing need to remind our political class as well as foreign heads of state. we all can leave this world and to a more reasoned
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careful discourse over these issues in which the resolution can be mutual clean -- mutually beneficial. >> one more comments. read there is a chance, thank you for the excellent presentation. i agree with your nationalism is a big challenge in asia especially at a time of rise in prosperity. perhaps this is the nationalism by itself. if it is a question of how theon nations can involve tolerance and pluralistic
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nationalism as opposed to narrow minded inner looking arrogance. nationalism is good. it is what kind of nationalism. >> i do not think i could have put the better myself. that point is taken. you are collect -- correct. >> he talked a lot about economics and economic prosperity for the region. the wonder how that fix the discussion of human rights. anl you be pushing for independent investigation? many explain my position on human rights.
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trying to draw an experience i in east germany at the very time that we were changing our strategy with respect to radio-free europe. the ability of that surrogate radio to operate their with the east germans considered the old bombastic and information that was coming in, there was a as a result ofod these people who really have their finger on the pulse giving information in real time. attitude change. i had an opportunity to listen to the east germans tell me
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about how they were changing their attitude about their totalitarian system and how much they wanted freedom of speech. they were learning about terrorism. ande's a more open democratic system. my hope is that our radio free asia legislation, and i have the legislation to make a permanence which broadcasts into countries that you not have a free press will provide that opportunity for a surrogate free press. what is important is that the voices need to be reporters that are recently from that country to conduct everything from a dialogue in talk radio. the we haveo this expanded in north korea.
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changingto factors north. today. arehe broadcast or they explaining what really is happening inside of the country. interesting also is the impact of soap operas. these honest -- these on the show's? they are rather addicted. when they watched that they recognize the difference between the prosperity in the south in the circumstances are in. i have interviewed a lot of them on my trips.
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the information across the rest of asia from burma to china to vietnam. it is changing people's attitudes. the recently from those countries to have access. i think it is a combination. >> how are you going to respond? about chinese human rights issues.
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china had 30 million forced abortions every year. i hope you're talking about human rights issue. i think of both issues are important. i think the evolution in terms of human rights is partly dependence on what we put information into china about what is happening on the ground in order to expose these type of abuses. that is best done through radio free asia.
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i am a member of the hearings that we hold on this issue which elevate human rights and which gets that information out into the international press. partly through the internet giving the information to the press inside china. it it is also partly radio free asia posting this dialogue. we have seen how much china has changed in pretty short order. i remember discussions that i had with richard nixon on his last trip to the house.
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he suggested i come over to the senate. on how we could eventually evolve societies. there are more ideals like the ones we're talking about. offhought to try to cut it and probably would work. the gauge of a strategy might lead to some very real changes. part of that is our responsibility. journalists have irresponsibility. it is to make everyone understand what is really happening. the pressure is the type of change inhat forces a a society.
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advocateroutinely these issues in the house of representatives from the forms we have here. we're also doing it in country. thank you. post time to review the news agency. last month when he visited beijing you had an opportunity with the new premier a couple of days ago what is your impression about chinese leaders? what do you expect from them regarding the u.s.-china relations? you realize the united states should engage more with china. -- dohe current mechanism you see that the current mechanism is enough?
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>> it is wise to have more exchanges between the parliamentarians here between the u.s. and china. .e know the issues we want to see a two-way street. we want to see and access to markets for this. we want to see human rights issues addressed. we also hope to see the types of reforms that will bring a part more personal freedom. it is necessary for this to officialsnges between there and officials and the united states. but is also necessary to
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continue the broadcasting work that i am talking about so that people understand the full range of issues that are under discussion. >> it does not include of the with indonesia and the philippines. our partnership includes all the countries and afghan + china india, japan, australia and new zealand. this seems to be more appealing to the countries. have a trade not
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agreement with them. the ttp is less inclusive. what would your thoughts be? we will be talking about economic prosperity. at what we can do. and think we started the process. beacon certainly be expanded. it is a good framework. .e're in negotiations crennel japan has recently announced its conclusion. as we go for there will be more nations.
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this strategy will later be more inclusive. other questions? >> good morning. i was working on the affairs. it has the agreements. you know that is an issue that is still going back and forth
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between the state department and .he folks in seoul yeah lot to say and how that thing get shaped up. have you formed your views on this? reviewing that agreement. it is a work in progress. >> thank you. nice to see you. ask if you could elaborate on the bipartisan legislation name mentioned about targeting north autria's currency and what that would consist of. to levelsome trying the sanctions against north followhat would maby the model of other countries that have been sanctioned. what can be done in a concrete way? quite a want to give credit to
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stewartation lee b. -- model back in 1985. it is trying to push the concepts of sanctions that would impact the hard currency. he developed the model that was developed. in whatct of that, directly led to that was the discovery that they were using a counterfeit $100 bills that north korea was counterfeiting. we moved very quickly. it was enormously effective. the state department later had second thoughts about it. in northcertain issues korea. the regina approached the state
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department and said if you will only ways this -- raises will come back to negotiating table. we know the efforts were not offered because they were in the pilfering their technology to syria. they have a carbon copy of their nuclear weapons program. deployed probably should have been continued. it is probably the case that it would head presented them with a choice of giving up that program in compromising or staying the course and facing the implosion. the situation today is much more dire for the regime.
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i have been in north korea. people leaving or career is one of having no confidence any longer. an ever smaller circle of people. on top of that we had very provocative behavior now they're calling into question his judgment on the part of people in north korea. certainly antagonizing this. causing discomfort. if the board to employ these controls -- if they were going to employ these controls and step up on the anti- proliferation initiative is we selfn place before where
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korea and other countries were stopping -- south korea and other countries were stopping ships that were bringing the , one of therts things they do is drugs, missile parts, armaments, of those ships on the high seas. you have cut all the means of obtaining hard currency. over on this side. >> thank you so much for your excellent presentation. i really enjoyed it.
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this is a follow-up question on the sanctions. impose economic sanctions, one of the most important gatekeeper's is china. how do you reconcile your outlined approach to china with northanctions against caribbean? >> shine is losing its patience to a certain -- china is losing its patients to a certain extent with north korea. one thing on their mind is a consequence to the arms race all across east asia. because of that i think that is why china originally ungunicated to kim jong i not to do the missile tests and subsequently not to do the nuclear tests. is verythis young man
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aggressive. he is out of step with world opinions. i think we have a growing unanimity in terms of the conclusion that this kind of concept is not in anyone's interest. is why i think that we might see less subsidy from china into no. 3 and more messages like the ones that we saw on the issue of the nuclear test.nd the icbm on the know, things obama as illustration, it the policy has been seen by chinese as the containment to china.
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i am wondering will what they should do to increase as a result that view held by the chinese. i think there is a strategic mistrust. what do you think the ninth stage should do to change that -- the united states should do to change that? >> one of the things we can do is focus on economic activity. what on the cornerstone of has led to the dramatic prosperity and increase of wealth creation around the world. if that can bue on trade and protection, the basic issue of the foundation of economic prosperity, i think that is
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something that resonates. i think that is the way we seeain why it is we want to the reforms. it the reforms we are asking for is we engage with countries around the world. they are reforms that actually benefit the populace in those countries. it is not just that a rising tide was so votes in terms of trade and liberalized markets. it is also the fact that economic reforms that empower to tremendousad opportunities and also more freedom. i think that type of dialogue is the type of dialogue that we need to engage in. >> thank you very much. i appreciate that. >> next week, and the supreme court hears oral arguments on
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s.d two same-sex marriage case the first is on tuesday. the 2008 ballot initiative amending the state's constitution to recognize marriage is only between a man and a woman. then on wednesday the defense a marriage act. it began to listen to both those oral arguments on tuesday and wednesday evening at 8:00 eastern on c-span. >> we can take pictures of the scanswith mris or p.e.t. but there is this a normal gap about how the circuits function in order to move my hand or look at you in process that information or to lay down a memory. we do not know how that works. will be technology
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development. we came to be able to record from hundreds of thousands of brain cells at the same time. this is the brain activity map. it is giving to be a very exciting moment to put something together that we could >> our roundtable focuses on the president's trip to the middle east. at good morning. whichshing bureau chief is available. thank you for being here. .et me begin with israel fights
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whatses this question, will israelis and palestinians to do now. how do you respond? what are they going to get the israelis to do. some movement that was not expected. we are seeing that the united states is pushing for a meeting. the prime minister -- we are seeing some movement that was basically gone. expectations were pretty low.
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the president was using this trip to listen. what were the results? , the question is how do you translate that. how do you turn this momentum. let me get your reactions. >> the president spent today than israel. he crossed the border into palestinian territory. he had this to say about the peace process. that the status
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quo is really not a status quo because of the situation on the ground continues to evolve it makes it harder for us to reach. i know that the palestinian people are frustrated. what are my main messages today. the same message i am conveying is that we cannot give up. on the search up for peace. no matter how hard it is. we'll continue to look for steps build thatsraelis to confidence upon which lasting peace will depend. your reaction? he made a strong statement that he is committed. it was suggested in this time. he is back

Heritage Foundation
CSPAN March 24, 2013 4:40pm-5:35pm EDT

Rep. Ed Royce (R-Calif.) Series/Special. (2013) Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Rep. Ed Royce (R-Calif.) on U.S. Policy in Asia Pacific. New.

TOPIC FREQUENCY China 25, U.s. 14, India 12, United States 11, North Korea 9, Us 9, Asia 7, America 6, Taiwan 5, California 3, Australia 3, South Korea 2, Israel 2, Atlantic 2, Samsung 2, Indonesia 2, Syria 2, Vietnam 2, Seoul 2, Jesse Helms 1
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